Evaluation

Using visual methodology worked extremely well in this project, as I do not think I would have seen any power discourses other than that of institution over student if I had been looking at textual information or had taken interview responses as my data source.  My intention, initially, had been to take photographs of as many students as possible in as many situations as possible and intended to go through these photographs repeatedly to find discourse operating within several at the same time using grounded theory (Glaser and Strauss 1967).  However, as I was lucky enough to take photographs of two groups of students in an unusual situation within the same room and on the same day, the opportunity to investigate the similarities and contrasts took me in a new direction.

The unusual situation consisted of a male group from the construction building of the college coming into the study room to complete an assignment.  No members of the group had ever been in the room and they were sitting next to a group of female students who use the room regularly.  The sections of the room are laid out very differently, so it looks like the groups are in different rooms, but they were working within sight and earshot of each other.  The situation’s lack of precedent made any discourse occurring in the male group historically unrelated to that of the female group, which made it more interesting.  This inspired me to look at how the photograph demonstrated their relationships with the space and how they claimed their space.  However, the research brought up the idea of how power within a group dynamic relates to the use of space.

Looking at Goffman’s book The Presentation of Self in Everyday Life (1969) made me think of how an individual sets up temporary space can suggest meaning and how this may or may not be an intentional projection.  Also thinking about Prosser and Schwartz’ ‘Data Collection’ section of their chapter ‘Photographs within the Social Research Process’ (1998, 119) made me realise that my position as a mature student could potentially influence the photographs and would certainly influence my interpretation of them.  However, I was lucky in the respect that, having put an article explaining my intentions in the college newspaper a few days before I started researching, most students were aware of what I was doing.  This limited my influence over the presentation of their workspace as the article had stated I would like the students to ignore me.  On the other hand, I was unable to limit my influence on the students’ captions, as this needed some explanation.  My position as a student in the college also helped to limit the disturbance of my being in the room because the other students were used to seeing me about.

The whole process made me very aware of how subjective research is in terms of the influence of the researcher.  If I had asked each member of the groups for an interview, the process would have been more subjective for several reasons.  The first reason is that if I had spoken to the subjects and interviewed them I would unintentionally form an opinion of them as individuals (as occurred with another group who asked me many questions about my research).  Another reason would be that that the individuals would want to project a certain image of themselves, through verbal communication and performing, as described in Goffman’s Presentation of Self in Everyday Life (1969), but I would be less aware of the performance as I would be closer to the subject.  In addition, the practical issues of finding a quiet place and having recording equipment removes the spontaneity of the research.  This takes the interviewee another step away from the original situation and alters their perception of the situation studied, as well as often making the interviewee very nervous and less responsive.  Finally, the research based around the use of space, requires a visual representation to be most effective.  Any other form of communication would be an impression rather than a representation.

However, as Cronin (1998) points out ‘The purposes to which photographs are both taken and used will have an effect on their meaning’.  In other words, they are a representation and not truth for all.  This project has enabled me to give my interpretation of the truth surrounding power discourses operating within claims of space in a temporary study environment.  It would be interesting to see what interpretations further study and other researchers might find.

References:

Cronin, Ó. (1988) ‘Psychology and Photographic Theory’ in Prosser, J. (ed.) Image-based Research: A Sourcebook for Qualitative Researchers. 69-83

Glaser, B. and Strauss, A. (1967) The Discovery of Grounded Theory: Strategies for Qualitative Research. Chicago: Aldine Publishing Company.

Goffman, E. (1969) Presentation of Self in Everyday Life. London: Allen Lane The Penguin Press

Prosser, J. and Schwartz, D. (1998) ‘Photographs within the Social Research Process’ in Prosser, J. (ed.) Image-based Research: A Sourcebook for Qualitative Researchers. 115-130

Comparative Analysis

By comparing the two images, several discourses emerge.

The relationship between space and power is highlighted.

In the male group, male 1 is separated from the rest of the group by a corridor and is thus separated from his classmates.  This removes him form the power that consists of those, ostensibly from the same group, who are sitting next to each other.  Male 1 consciously takes up as little space as possible and therefore allows himself less power.

Male 4 takes up metaphorical space within the picture as his red T-shirt in the center of the group grabs the attention of the viewer.  Therefore Male 4 has more power within the group in this photograph.

Despite the fact that male 4 has the same amount of space as his classmates on either side of him, his statement implies that he consciously keeps lots of space and in his mind he has power over this bigger space.

Female 1 has taken a whole table, whilst her three classmates share the adjoining table.  She has power in this group, but as a whole the female group has more power than the male group as they take up more space and extend their space using bags and clothes.

Both Male 4 and Female 1 have their backs to the door and like to spread out.  My interpretation is that these two individuals have similar characteristics and are the leaders of their respective groups.

Female Group Analysis

The female group are more familiar with the room and study their regularly.  The way their work is laid out is interesting because they are claiming the entire area of the group desk, with work overlapping.  This suggests that the group are more connected, but this may not be the case. 

Female 1 within the group has a desk entirely to herself and her caption states that she likes to ‘take up space.  Her wording suggests she like to be in control as she is taking the space, rather than claiming to like to spread out, or needing lots of space.  However, it may equally be in order to create distance between herself and her classmates.  This could be for any number of reasons.  The position that female 1 has taken at the area is at the head of the table and with her back to the door.  This may suggest that she is unconcerned about who may come into the room without her seeing in terms of an authoritative figure, but it certainly implies that she is comfortable in the room and her group.

The separation and resulting proximity of females 2, 3 and 4 implies that female 1 is of greater significance within the group, whereas the others are equal as they have divided their space equally.  The seemingly practical positions of the females, one on each side of a square table, is also a form of control as this way anyone wishing to work on the table must come between them. 

The females are controlling more space than the table by having jackets draped over the backs of chairs.  Also, by having bags and clothing conspicuously placed, they extend the area which someone outside of the group must step around in order to travel in the room or must step into to join the group.  Therefore, these items act like defences.  An excellent example is female 1’s very large bag propped against the table.  This bag is balanced and it would appear more practical to place the bag under the table or tucked in the corner where it is less likely to fall or be damaged by knocking.  However, balanced next to female one it prevents anyone approaching her from her left side, including her group members.

Female 3 is creating a similar situation, but in a less obvious way by having her clothing draped over her chair and leaving an article on the floor around her chair.  The fact that it is on the floor implies that keeping her space contained is not important and therefore the article has not been noticed.  Alternatively, has it been noticed, but deemed unimportant enough to rectify?  The second suggestion implies conscious space taking, which also demonstrates the females’ implied ownership of space within the study room.  This is indicated again by the satchel that is leaned against the wall, visible behind the chair of female 3.  The positioning of this bag makes it awkward for someone to approach female 4 because it obstructs the path.  It is impossible to see if female 2 has any space claiming methods.

The females have a bottle of juice on the table in a gesture that is defiant of the rules that state food and drink are not allowed.  However, this may well imply that, despite the rules, the social norms within this particular space make drinking a bottle of juice acceptable.  What this demonstrates is the females’ awareness of the social norms within the room.

The captions for these photographs were also influenced by my explanation of the process I was completing, but less so than with the male group.  Female 1’s statement ‘I like to take up space’ was as influential if not more so.  Female 2 starts her caption in with the same words as female 1, as do females 3 and 4.  Female 2 is more subtle in her claiming of space, by implying she likes to spread out, she is suggesting that she does it when it is appropriate, rather than all the time regardless of others.  Female 3 sounds defensive by stating that she likes to ‘have somewhere to study’ she is implying that her use of the space is because she likes to have a designated place, but her statement, ‘studyroom can be very busy at times’ implies that she is justified in taking extra space because if she doesn’t claim it someone else will. 

Female 4’s statement is interesting because it is a combination of female 1 and female 2’s responses.  This is a form of compliment and deference as she deems their responses more valid than coming up with one of her own.

Male Group Analysis

Male 1 in the first group is separated from his fellow students by a narrow walkway. This was a conscious decision, as there were more seats beside Male 5.  His caption is interesting because he is conscious of the importance that his physical position be within the group, yet he is separated. Male 1 would need any of the other males to turn to him in order to make contact.  Whereas the others could make eye contact or touch another student very easily.  The group have studied together for some time as this is half way through the term and so this is likely to be a result of the social organisation within the group.

Male 1 is also trying to take up as little space as possible, so as to allow any potential computer user to have the majority of the desk.  This suggests that Male 1 felt his claim to the workspace was illegitimate, which he verbally implies is because he does not need the computer.  However, he is unfamiliar with the room and may not be an equal member of his class group and this suggests that he is trying to reduce any impression and create least disturbance.  This could be for two reasons:  The first is that he is trying not to be noticed as he is expecting negative attention if he receives any.  The other is to create an impression of himself as considerate and therefore worthy of approval.  This is in contrast to male 4, who is sitting in a bright red T-shirt and want’s to keep ‘plenty of space’. 

Male 5, as the only male in the group wearing bright clothes and not warm work clothes, is projecting a very confident image that separates him from his course and course mates.  This could be for a variety of reason’s including wishing to appear attractive to possible romantic partners, wishing to be judged according to himself rather than his course and implied profession.  It may equally be because he knew that he would be working in the study room and did not wish to make anything dirty.

Males 2-5 picture analysis is grouped together as their positions are so similar.  Each male is sitting very close to his desk and has minimal possessions with him.  Their positions are concentrated on their work individually and show no sign of interaction.  This is the scene I approached and they did not change posture for the photograph.  Their positions suggest that they are concentrating on the work they have been assigned, with minimal interaction between each other.  The room they are in is the study room and there are signs saying not to eat or drink.  The implication suggested by these rules and the compartmentalised sectioning in the area the males are sitting suggests individual and quiet work.  The males are adhering to the expected rules.    Their unfamiliarity with the room may well be making them more inclined to behave in such a way because they have not had time to appreciate the social norms that occur within this room.

Asking the male group for a caption led to the researcher influencing the responses as the group were unsure what I meant.  I therefore had to explain that my project was about how people claim space.  This resulted in a similarity between the individuals.  However, the responses were not the same and still have some relevance.  Male 2 is very possessive of his space as he uses the word my twice, emphasising ‘my things’ and ‘my area’.  Male 3, on the other hand, is less possessive of his things and space, as he does not use ‘my’ at all.  Male 4 seems more aware of the temporary situation and claiming more space than may be required for his time there.  Male 5 is similar to male 4, but without needing more space.

Analysis

	Position	Caption	Researchers Prior Knowledge
Photograph No. Person I.D.
43. Male 1	Male to the fore on edge of computer desk, front left in picture.	Sittin on edge of desk so still within the group. No computer required. (Caption quoted from image 42.	Student on the buildng or joinery course, who had not studied in this room before and was given one task to complete on a sheet of paper with his classmates.
43. Male 2	Male to the fore on the right  (F.R.)	Set my things on my area of work.	As Above
43. Male 3	Male on right behind male to the fore right. (M. R.)	Set stuff on desk.	As Above
43. Male 4	Male in centre with red top on. (M. L. )	Put stuff down on desk that I'm working on.  So I keep plenty of space.	As Above
43. Male 5	Male on left of male in red T-shirt. (F.L.)	Putting clothing or worksheet on desk toclaim space.	As Above
44. Female 1	Female to right of photograph (F.R.)	I like to take up space.	Student who has studied in this room before.
44. Female 2	Female in centre with black T-shirt on (M.R.).	I like to spread out and be in a relaxed environment.	Student who has studied in this room before.
44. Female 3	Female on far left with checked shirt on (F.L.)	I like to have somewhere to study.  Studyroom can be very busy at times.	Student who has studied in this room before.
44. Female 4	Femal to middle left of the group slightly hidden (M.L.).	I like to spread out with lots of room and be in a relaxed environment to study.	Student who has studied in this room before.

Chapter 5. Summarise the key points and focus on the Narrative Content.

Chapter 5. Summarise the key points and focus on the Narrative Content.

‘Psychology and Photographic Theory’, by Órla Cronin (1998: 69-83), provides a critical review of the meanings and psychological significance of family photographs.  There are six assumptions challenged within the chapter, however, this essay will focus on the fifth; the meaning of a photograph arises in a narrative context.  The chapter begins by emphasising the lack of theorizing and research to match the massive increase in ‘lay’ photography.  The lack of any firm definitive theory has resulted in a variety of practices based on the common assumptions examined in this chapter, under the banner of phototherapy.  The assumption that photographs are either informative or provoke an emotional reaction is linked to the work of Barthes.  He suggests that either a photograph contained a ‘studium’ (informational) or it contained a ‘punctum’ (emotional) (1980 cited in Cronin, 1998: 71), but Cronin’s objection to this method is its polarizing of the two elements.  In other words, Cronin objects to Barthes’ ignoring the effect of culture on the individual’s emotional reaction.

Another dichotomy that Cronin examines is the assumption that photography is perceived by the ‘lay person’ as either realist or symbolic.  Her research (1996, cited in Cronin, 1998: 75) demonstrated that individuals drifted between the two perceptions depending on the topic discussed, highlighting the issue as more complex.  Moments of time significant to the family commonly presented require caution in their interpretation for the individual, as the significance may be entirely different and non-representative.  Cronin also advises caution in the section that investigates family dynamics drawn from or projected by the family photograph, as the photo-therapist and the photo-theorist view them respectively and emphasises the contradiction of assumptions acted upon within these related schools.  There is also reference to this contradiction in the section titled ‘The Meaning of Photographs Arises in a Narrative Context’.

This section highlights the importance of narrative context in family photographs.  How this questions their validity as memory aides and springboards for therapeutic discovery leads to investigation of the structuring of these narratives.  Cronin looks to Walker and Kimball Moulton’s research (1989, cited in Cronin 1998:76), which argues that the four important feature of family photography are verbal narrative, the privacy of a family photograph collection, the limited audience of the collection and the assumption of an owner who will manage the collection’s display.  There is a cyclical relationship between these four features, which emphasises Cronin’s belief that family photographs create and maintain meaning.  Walker and Kimball Moulton maintain this idea when they claim that every photograph album has an explicit narrative basis, but they also suggest that the narrator is aware of the imperfect nature of the relationship between a photograph and the truth, as the presence of the camera subverts the reality of the situation by its influence.

Cronin then goes on to look at Edwards and Middleton’s work (1988 cited in Cronin 1998:77) in relation to the social aspects of remembering.  This is in order to demonstrate the bi-directional connection between relationships and remembering.  Relationships provide the stimulus and ‘criterion of significance’ for the memory but relationships, equally defined in these terms by memories, are open to construction and renegotiation.  The family photograph provides a motivation for such actions. Cronin’s conclusion emphasises the importance of the photograph’s contextual use as much as the content.  She advocates a hermeneutic approach to research, concentrating on the meaning ‘woven around a photograph’ rather than simply its manifest content.

References:

Barthes, R. (1980) Camera Lucida: Reflections on Photography, Paris: Editions du Seuil. (Translated Howard, R. (1988), London: Jonathan Cape Ltd.) Cited in Cronin, Ó. (1998) ‘Psychology and Photographic Theory’ in Image-based Research: A Sourcebook for Qualitative Researchers ed. by Prosser, J. Abington: RoutledgeFalmer 69-83

Cronin, Ó. (1996) ‘The meaning and psychological significance of family photographic collections’, Unpublished PhD thesis, University of Southampton Cited in Cronin, Ó. (1998) ‘Psychology and Photographic Theory’ in Image-based Research: A Sourcebook for Qualitative Researchers ed. by Prosser, J. Abington: RoutledgeFalmer 69-83

- (1998) ‘Psychology and Photographic Theory’ in Image-based Research: A Sourcebook for Qualitative Researchers ed. by Prosser, J. Abington: RoutledgeFalmer 69-83

Edwards, D. and Middleton, D. (1988) ‘Conversational remembering and family relationships: How children learn to remember’, Journal of Social and Personal Relationships, 5: 3-25 Cited in Cronin, Ó. (1998) ‘Psychology and Photographic Theory’ in Image-based Research: A Sourcebook for Qualitative Researchers ed. by Prosser, J. Abington: RoutledgeFalmer 69-83

A comment on the Journalistic Image as Visual Sociology

A comment on the Journalistic Image as Visual Sociology 

Thwaites, Davis and Mules wrote:

Because news values tend to emphasis the familiar, the readily (and already) understood, the primary definition tends to be mythic: that is, it may simplify what may be a complex set of events down to a single set of values, and an opposition:  freedom versus tyranny, greedy union versus responsible management, government versus opposition, us versus them (2002, 102).

With the above statement in mind, using the journalistic image as visual sociology is questionable.  The nature of journalistic photography is such that photographers go to find a specific image as directed by their editor without the time or support to gain deeper insight into the situation (Becker, 1998, 86).  Thus, the image produced is representative of the predominant ideology surrounding the subject, rather than the truth. This is problematic, as context and contemporaneity are required to appreciate fully the intended message of the image, which ties in with the narrative surrounding it.  However, according to Becker (1998, 94), years after the story and the image have lost these connotations, the image can still be useful for sociological analysis.  As Harper states:

Visual sociologists also study photographs produced by the culture, for example, in advertising, newspapers or magazines, or family photo albums.  Using this approach, sociologists typically explore the semiotics, or sign systems, of different visual communication systems (2001, 55).

The question of how media treats political scandal can be looked at by looking at portrayals of a variety of individuals involved in such incidents and comparing the images Becker (1998, 94).  Another example might be the representation of group relationships within the media, for example family, sports teams, political groups or romantic relationships.  Therefore, the journalistic image as visual sociology is valid, as a representation of social constructions and the media that reinforces them.

References:

Becker, H. (1998) ‘Visual Sociology, Documentary Photography, and Photojournalism:  It’s (Almost) All a Matter of Context’ in Image-based Research:  A Sourcebook for Qualitative Researchers. ed. by Prosser, J. Abingdon:  RoutledgeFalmer, 84-96.

Harper, (2001) Visual Sociology: Expanding Sociological Vision [online].  Available from < http://jan.ucc.nau.edu/~pms/cj355/readings/harper.pdf> [20 April 2012]

Thwaites, T., Davis, L. and Mules, W. (2002) Introducing Cultural and Media Studies: A Semiotic Approach.   Basingstoke: Palgrave

A comment on Validity and Reliability in Visual Methods

A comment on Validity and Reliability in Visual Methods

 

According to Prosser (2002, 97), social research has indirectly marginalised Image-based Research in its aim to prove its ‘research credentials’.  The methodological practice of emphasising the role of words at the expense of images in qualitative research has compounded this situation. Validity and reliability are measures of the accuracy of quantitative research in a variety of fields, however, these terms transfer imperfectly when referring to visual methods in qualitative research.  In Golafshani’s paper, Understanding Reliability and Validity in Qualitative Research (2003, 597), she questions the usefulness of reliability, viability and triangulation, as used in quantitative research, and highlights the need to adapt these methods to fit within the qualitative paradigm.  

Kirk and Miller (1986, 20) point out that perfect reliability does not guarantee validity but ‘perfect validity, on the other hand, would assure perfect reliability’.  Indeed, according to Golafshani (2003, 600), more appropriate criteria for qualitative research are ‘credibility, transferability and trustworthiness’.  Winston (2002, 66) points out that any photographic image is not a single truth, but a ‘continuum of authenticity’, which relies on multiple relationships between the subject of the photograph, the context of the photograph, and the ‘manipulations and interventions of the photographer.’   Validity is, therefore, reliant on the researcher’s awareness of these factors.  When the researcher is the photographer, reflexivity and in depth knowledge of the subject is essential.  Adelman describes this as follows:

For the researcher the pursuit of internal validity for the photo document entails; informed selection of what to document, being systematic through reflection in the taking of photographs whether one approves or disapproves of the action being recorded, justified sampling, low reactivity of the subject’s presence of the photographer, ‘normal’ printing, no editing, argued inclusion as evidence in a research report/and or presentation – whether the medium is photo, slide, film, video, CS ROM and so on (2002, 151).

In conclusion, the traditional terms of validity and reliability are contentious when used within the visual research and qualitative research paradigms.  However, in order to prove the ‘credentials’ of visual research accountability is essential and relies on the reflexivity of the researcher, independent of the terminology used.

References:

Adelman, C. (2002) ‘Photocontext’ in Image-based Research:  A Sourcebook for Qualitative Researchers. ed. by Prosser, J. Abingdon:  RoutledgeFalmer, 148-161 

Golafshani, N. (2003) ‘Understanding Reliability and Validity in Qualitative Research’.  The Qualitative Report 8 (4) pp. 597-607 [online]. Available from <http://www.nova.edu/ssss/QR/QR8-4/golafshani.pdf>

Kirk, J. and Miller, M. (1986) ‘Reliability and Validity in Qualitative Research’.  Qualitative Research Methods 1 London: Sage Publications Ltd.

Prosser, J. (2002) Image-based Research:  A Sourcebook for Qualitative Researchers. ed. by Prosser, J. Abingdon:  RoutledgeFalmer

Winston, B. (2002) ‘The Camera Never Lies: The Partiality of Photographic Evidence’ in Image-based Research:  A Sourcebook for Qualitative Researchers. ed. by Prosser, J.  Abingdon:  RoutledgeFalmer, 60-68

Having looked at all the photographs repeatedly I have decided to investigate two photographs as a comparative excessive.  The first is the photo of the group of young men sitting at individual desks, but in a group.

To begin analysis I will start by highlighting the uses of space.  The male group are all sitting with their backs to each other and are not connected by any shared work or materials crossing into each other's space.  Each individual appears to be focused on their work and their body language is very closed and contained within a minimum amount of space.  Their heads are bowed very close to the table and they have minimal belongings. The males also have no jackets or other belongings on the chairs seen, however, the middle right character has some clothing on the desk in front of him.  The person on the right of the screen has a personal device, which may be a music player or phone.


The second photograph is a group of young women working in a group.

The female group have spread themselves out, using the whole table and extra floor space.  This group is also studying and concentrating, however, this is done in a less closed way.  They have food and a bottle, bags on the floor and jackets hanging on the backs of their chairs.  They are also all writing and appear to be working together.  However, they are not any more connected than the boys.  In fact they have spread themselves out further than  necessary and further than the males have to each other.  However, they have connected with each other using their work materials, which touch and overlap, making it difficult to determine an individual's space.   

  

Despite the fact that each group has a similar number of individuals and both are using pen and paper to study rather than a computer there are some very obvious differences between the two groups.  Gender may be a factor in this, but there are also several others to be taken into consideration.  The subject each group is studying,  each group's familiarity with each other, their familiarity with the room and the behavioral norms expected within it and their confidence in the assigned tasks may also influence the group or individual's behavior.  The female group have taken over the only study area within this room that is designed for groups and is without any computers.  The male group are almost huddled together and taking up minimal room in comparison, however, this may be to leave the computers available for other users.

37. Provides the ability to sit alone and have a visual overview of the rest of the room and view from the window.

38. An organised mess or soup of resources

40. Library desk in Orkney college claim for research and writing assignments, practical, efficient work space with minimum distractions.

42. Sitting on edge of desk, so still within the group.  No computer required.

43. F.R. Set my things on my area of work.

43. M. R. Set Stuff on Desk

43. M. L. Put stuff down on desk that I'm working on.  So I keep plenty of space

43. F. L. Putting clothing or Worksheet on desk to claim space.

44. F. R. I like to take up space

44. M. R. I like to spread out and be in a  relaxed environment

45. F. L. Like to have somewhere to Study.  Studyroom can be very busy at times.  45. M. L. I like to spread myself out with lots of room in a relaxed environment to study.

46. When in class I use my space to do all my work and store my stuff, like my phone etc.  I claimed my space at the start of the year and just sat at the first empty table.

47. This space is always mine.  I feel comfortable in it.

48. I use my space willingly and freely and I don't mind if my space is cluttered and unorganised.

49. I lay my stuff out all over my space with style and grace.

50. As above

51. Neatly with things practically placed.  Keyboard and mouse is always placed at the edge of the desk.

52.I like to keep my space relatively organised.  So I know where everything is but also quick to tidy and move somewhere else.

53. I like to keep my desk clean and neat for simplicity.

-

54. I like to keep my workspace relatively organised so I know where everything is but also quick to tidy and move somewhere else.

55. I like to keep my desk clean and neat for simplicity

57. I keep my work space fairly tidy and have a folder with my previous work on the desk with me.

58. I normally spread myself out, but I'm not normally here.