Monday, 30 April 2012

Chapter 5. Summarise the key points and focus on the Narrative Content.


Chapter 5. Summarise the key points and focus on the Narrative Content.

‘Psychology and Photographic Theory’, by Órla Cronin (1998: 69-83), provides a critical review of the meanings and psychological significance of family photographs.  There are six assumptions challenged within the chapter, however, this essay will focus on the fifth; the meaning of a photograph arises in a narrative context.  The chapter begins by emphasising the lack of theorizing and research to match the massive increase in ‘lay’ photography.  The lack of any firm definitive theory has resulted in a variety of practices based on the common assumptions examined in this chapter, under the banner of phototherapy.  The assumption that photographs are either informative or provoke an emotional reaction is linked to the work of Barthes.  He suggests that either a photograph contained a ‘studium’ (informational) or it contained a ‘punctum’ (emotional) (1980 cited in Cronin, 1998: 71), but Cronin’s objection to this method is its polarizing of the two elements.  In other words, Cronin objects to Barthes’ ignoring the effect of culture on the individual’s emotional reaction.

Another dichotomy that Cronin examines is the assumption that photography is perceived by the ‘lay person’ as either realist or symbolic.  Her research (1996, cited in Cronin, 1998: 75) demonstrated that individuals drifted between the two perceptions depending on the topic discussed, highlighting the issue as more complex.  Moments of time significant to the family commonly presented require caution in their interpretation for the individual, as the significance may be entirely different and non-representative.  Cronin also advises caution in the section that investigates family dynamics drawn from or projected by the family photograph, as the photo-therapist and the photo-theorist view them respectively and emphasises the contradiction of assumptions acted upon within these related schools.  There is also reference to this contradiction in the section titled ‘The Meaning of Photographs Arises in a Narrative Context’.

This section highlights the importance of narrative context in family photographs.  How this questions their validity as memory aides and springboards for therapeutic discovery leads to investigation of the structuring of these narratives.  Cronin looks to Walker and Kimball Moulton’s research (1989, cited in Cronin 1998:76), which argues that the four important feature of family photography are verbal narrative, the privacy of a family photograph collection, the limited audience of the collection and the assumption of an owner who will manage the collection’s display.  There is a cyclical relationship between these four features, which emphasises Cronin’s belief that family photographs create and maintain meaning.  Walker and Kimball Moulton maintain this idea when they claim that every photograph album has an explicit narrative basis, but they also suggest that the narrator is aware of the imperfect nature of the relationship between a photograph and the truth, as the presence of the camera subverts the reality of the situation by its influence.

Cronin then goes on to look at Edwards and Middleton’s work (1988 cited in Cronin 1998:77) in relation to the social aspects of remembering.  This is in order to demonstrate the bi-directional connection between relationships and remembering.  Relationships provide the stimulus and ‘criterion of significance’ for the memory but relationships, equally defined in these terms by memories, are open to construction and renegotiation.  The family photograph provides a motivation for such actions. Cronin’s conclusion emphasises the importance of the photograph’s contextual use as much as the content.  She advocates a hermeneutic approach to research, concentrating on the meaning ‘woven around a photograph’ rather than simply its manifest content.


References:

Barthes, R. (1980) Camera Lucida: Reflections on Photography, Paris: Editions du Seuil. (Translated Howard, R. (1988), London: Jonathan Cape Ltd.) Cited in Cronin, Ó. (1998) ‘Psychology and Photographic Theory’ in Image-based Research: A Sourcebook for Qualitative Researchers ed. by Prosser, J. Abington: RoutledgeFalmer 69-83

Cronin, Ó. (1996) ‘The meaning and psychological significance of family photographic collections’, Unpublished PhD thesis, University of Southampton Cited in Cronin, Ó. (1998) ‘Psychology and Photographic Theory’ in Image-based Research: A Sourcebook for Qualitative Researchers ed. by Prosser, J. Abington: RoutledgeFalmer 69-83

- (1998) ‘Psychology and Photographic Theory’ in Image-based Research: A Sourcebook for Qualitative Researchers ed. by Prosser, J. Abington: RoutledgeFalmer 69-83

Edwards, D. and Middleton, D. (1988) ‘Conversational remembering and family relationships: How children learn to remember’, Journal of Social and Personal Relationships, 5: 3-25 Cited in Cronin, Ó. (1998) ‘Psychology and Photographic Theory’ in Image-based Research: A Sourcebook for Qualitative Researchers ed. by Prosser, J. Abington: RoutledgeFalmer 69-83

A comment on the Journalistic Image as Visual Sociology


A comment on the Journalistic Image as Visual Sociology 

Thwaites, Davis and Mules wrote:
Because news values tend to emphasis the familiar, the readily (and already) understood, the primary definition tends to be mythic: that is, it may simplify what may be a complex set of events down to a single set of values, and an opposition:  freedom versus tyranny, greedy union versus responsible management, government versus opposition, us versus them (2002, 102).
With the above statement in mind, using the journalistic image as visual sociology is questionable.  The nature of journalistic photography is such that photographers go to find a specific image as directed by their editor without the time or support to gain deeper insight into the situation (Becker, 1998, 86).  Thus, the image produced is representative of the predominant ideology surrounding the subject, rather than the truth. This is problematic, as context and contemporaneity are required to appreciate fully the intended message of the image, which ties in with the narrative surrounding it.  However, according to Becker (1998, 94), years after the story and the image have lost these connotations, the image can still be useful for sociological analysis.  As Harper states:

Visual sociologists also study photographs produced by the culture, for example, in advertising, newspapers or magazines, or family photo albums.  Using this approach, sociologists typically explore the semiotics, or sign systems, of different visual communication systems (2001, 55).


The question of how media treats political scandal can be looked at by looking at portrayals of a variety of individuals involved in such incidents and comparing the images Becker (1998, 94).  Another example might be the representation of group relationships within the media, for example family, sports teams, political groups or romantic relationships.  Therefore, the journalistic image as visual sociology is valid, as a representation of social constructions and the media that reinforces them.

References:
Becker, H. (1998) ‘Visual Sociology, Documentary Photography, and Photojournalism:  It’s (Almost) All a Matter of Context’ in Image-based Research:  A Sourcebook for Qualitative Researchers. ed. by Prosser, J. Abingdon:  RoutledgeFalmer, 84-96.
Harper, (2001) Visual Sociology: Expanding Sociological Vision [online].  Available from < http://jan.ucc.nau.edu/~pms/cj355/readings/harper.pdf> [20 April 2012]

Thwaites, T., Davis, L. and Mules, W. (2002) Introducing Cultural and Media Studies: A Semiotic Approach.   Basingstoke: Palgrave

A comment on Validity and Reliability in Visual Methods


A comment on Validity and Reliability in Visual Methods
 
According to Prosser (2002, 97), social research has indirectly marginalised Image-based Research in its aim to prove its ‘research credentials’.  The methodological practice of emphasising the role of words at the expense of images in qualitative research has compounded this situation. Validity and reliability are measures of the accuracy of quantitative research in a variety of fields, however, these terms transfer imperfectly when referring to visual methods in qualitative research.  In Golafshani’s paper, Understanding Reliability and Validity in Qualitative Research (2003, 597), she questions the usefulness of reliability, viability and triangulation, as used in quantitative research, and highlights the need to adapt these methods to fit within the qualitative paradigm.  

Kirk and Miller (1986, 20) point out that perfect reliability does not guarantee validity but ‘perfect validity, on the other hand, would assure perfect reliability’.  Indeed, according to Golafshani (2003, 600), more appropriate criteria for qualitative research are ‘credibility, transferability and trustworthiness’.  Winston (2002, 66) points out that any photographic image is not a single truth, but a ‘continuum of authenticity’, which relies on multiple relationships between the subject of the photograph, the context of the photograph, and the ‘manipulations and interventions of the photographer.’   Validity is, therefore, reliant on the researcher’s awareness of these factors.  When the researcher is the photographer, reflexivity and in depth knowledge of the subject is essential.  Adelman describes this as follows:

For the researcher the pursuit of internal validity for the photo document entails; informed selection of what to document, being systematic through reflection in the taking of photographs whether one approves or disapproves of the action being recorded, justified sampling, low reactivity of the subject’s presence of the photographer, ‘normal’ printing, no editing, argued inclusion as evidence in a research report/and or presentation – whether the medium is photo, slide, film, video, CS ROM and so on (2002, 151).
In conclusion, the traditional terms of validity and reliability are contentious when used within the visual research and qualitative research paradigms.  However, in order to prove the ‘credentials’ of visual research accountability is essential and relies on the reflexivity of the researcher, independent of the terminology used.

References:
Adelman, C. (2002) ‘Photocontext’ in Image-based Research:  A Sourcebook for Qualitative Researchers. ed. by Prosser, J. Abingdon:  RoutledgeFalmer, 148-161 
Golafshani, N. (2003) ‘Understanding Reliability and Validity in Qualitative Research’.  The Qualitative Report 8 (4) pp. 597-607 [online]. Available from <http://www.nova.edu/ssss/QR/QR8-4/golafshani.pdf>
Kirk, J. and Miller, M. (1986) ‘Reliability and Validity in Qualitative Research’.  Qualitative Research Methods 1 London: Sage Publications Ltd.
Prosser, J. (2002) Image-based Research:  A Sourcebook for Qualitative Researchers. ed. by Prosser, J. Abingdon:  RoutledgeFalmer
Winston, B. (2002) ‘The Camera Never Lies: The Partiality of Photographic Evidence’ in Image-based Research:  A Sourcebook for Qualitative Researchers. ed. by Prosser, J.  Abingdon:  RoutledgeFalmer, 60-68

Thursday, 26 April 2012

Having looked at all the photographs repeatedly I have decided to investigate two photographs as a comparative excessive.  The first is the photo of the group of young men sitting at individual desks, but in a group.

To begin analysis I will start by highlighting the uses of space.  The male group are all sitting with their backs to each other and are not connected by any shared work or materials crossing into each other's space.  Each individual appears to be focused on their work and their body language is very closed and contained within a minimum amount of space.  Their heads are bowed very close to the table and they have minimal belongings. The males also have no jackets or other belongings on the chairs seen, however, the middle right character has some clothing on the desk in front of him.  The person on the right of the screen has a personal device, which may be a music player or phone.


The second photograph is a group of young women working in a group.


The female group have spread themselves out, using the whole table and extra floor space.  This group is also studying and concentrating, however, this is done in a less closed way.  They have food and a bottle, bags on the floor and jackets hanging on the backs of their chairs.  They are also all writing and appear to be working together.  However, they are not any more connected than the boys.  In fact they have spread themselves out further than  necessary and further than the males have to each other.  However, they have connected with each other using their work materials, which touch and overlap, making it difficult to determine an individual's space.   

  
Despite the fact that each group has a similar number of individuals and both are using pen and paper to study rather than a computer there are some very obvious differences between the two groups.  Gender may be a factor in this, but there are also several others to be taken into consideration.  The subject each group is studying,  each group's familiarity with each other, their familiarity with the room and the behavioral norms expected within it and their confidence in the assigned tasks may also influence the group or individual's behavior.  The female group have taken over the only study area within this room that is designed for groups and is without any computers.  The male group are almost huddled together and taking up minimal room in comparison, however, this may be to leave the computers available for other users.